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کر کے قول قرار دے بھج جانا
کر کے قول قرار دے بھج جانا
چنگا نہیں ہوندا لا کے پج جانا
ہک وار تاں یار ملا ربا
اساں ویکھدیاں سار ای رج جانا
پردہ رکھیے کسے دا رب آکھے
کم مرد دا اے پردہ کج جانا
دکھی دل نوں جنھاں نے جت لیا
کر سمجھ لے اوہناں نیں حج جانا
کم شہر دے وچ نہیں کوئی اے پر
گلی سجناں دی کسے پج جانا
اوکھے ویلے جو یار نہ کم آوے
چنگا ہوندا اے اوس توں بھج جانا
Role of Masjid in Social Reformation in Contemporary Pashtun Society: A Case Study of District Bannu and Lakki Marwat, Pakistan
Pulpit and Masjid play very pivotal and productive role in a Muslim society. It not only educates and guides Muslims in religious matters as well shapes the social attitude and role of Muslims. Moreover, it is evident by the history that Islamic State was run by the Head of the State from Masjid. Unfortunately, pulpit and Masjid have been losing sense of their actual responsibility as an agent of social cohesion, integration and reformation. The paper is an attempt of studying the current role of pulpit and Masjid regarding religious education and training, exploring the factors that have been hampering the way of realizing the dream of social reformation in contemporary Pashtun society by not allowing pulpit and Masjid to play its due role in this respect and suggesting feasible recommendation for coping with the issue. The study is based on primary data that was collected through questionnaire in District Bannu and Lakki Marwat.Sino-Russian Policies in the Centre and Periphery: A Comparative Analysis
The thesis entitled “Sino-Russian Policies in the Centre and Periphery: A Comparative Analysis”, shall focus on different aspects of the peripheries of Russia and China. For a thorough understanding, a selective number of areas have been chosen from the two states’ peripheries. The regions selected for the study of Russian periphery lie in the northwest Caucasus, namely; Dagestan, Chechnya, Ingushetia and Kabardino-Balkaria. In the case of China, Tibet Autonomous Region, Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, Hong Kong and Taiwan will be discussed in detail. The significance of the above mentioned territories lie in the unique nature of their relationship with their respective centres. The policies devised by the centre, which lie at notable distance from these regions, are often regarded with skepticism and doubt. The selected Russian peripheries of northwest Caucasus, Tibet and Xinjiang, which experience a rather uneasy relation with Moscow and Beijing respectively, also carry huge significance for the national governments, for these regions are immensely rich in natural resources including oil and gas. Moreover, these regions also serve as hydrocarbon conduits, thus adding to their significance. In addition to this, the above named territories lie in such a geographical arrangement that they become extremely important in the respective national policy framework of the two countries. Although, both Russia and China have colossal opportunities in these regions but the perturbed state of affairs present both governments with immense challenges to conduct their policies in the best interest of the country. (xvi) While Hong Kong’s relations with Beijing are smooth and comfortable, but in the recent past, the centre’s attempts to exercise CCP’s principles in the island territory have caused friction in the relations between the island territory and the mainland. As for the case of Taiwan, historical dispute between the two governments has come between, time and again, in smooth bilateral relations across the strait, whereas comfortable relations between the two are especially important for China’s ever growing economy. Moreover, both China and Russia, which share a communist past, also share a similar attitude in handling matters related to expression and religion in the above mentioned peripheries inhabited by ethnic minorities. In addition, China and Russia, lying at close proximity with each other share common interests and apprehensions in the context of regional and trans-regional politics. These factors have brought the two countries together in political and economic spheres. This thesis also discusses the potential of Sino-Russian partnership in the region in view of regional geo-political milieu and of countering non-regional hegemony in the region. This research focuses on the policies of Russia and China in these disturbed peripheries. It brings to light how measures designed in the centre for the management of these peripheries are implemented in these regions of Russia and China and why such policies have often failed in bringing about the desired results. It also highlights the areas of trouble in Beijing’s and Moscow’s political framework and the policies designed by the respective centres to counter them, as well as the commonalities and differences in these policies. As both Russia and China occupy a significant position in world politics, it is important to understand the problems faced by their leadership within the borders and (xvii) also in their individual peripheries, as these challenges also have serious effects on the two countries’ global reputation. By using historical references and quantitative research methods, the research is a sincere endeavor at bringing out a clearer and unbiased picture of the challenges and possible solutions to the problems in these two similar-to-an-extent societies.Journals by Discipline
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